ILB 41 

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MR. SULLIVAN'S 



DISCOURSE 



BEFORE THE 



AMERICAN INSTITUTE 



'>m 



INTRODUCTORY 



DISCOURSE, 



DKLIVERED BEFORE THE 



AMERICAN INSTITUTE OF INSTRUCTION, 



AT BOSTON, AUGUST 22, 1833. 



BY WILLIAM SULLIVAN, 

ONE OF THE OFFICERS OF THE INSTITUTE. 



BOSTON: 

CARTER, HENDEE AND CO. 

1833. 



1D 



i<6 , i^ 



iANQE. 



I. R. BUTTS, PRINTER, SCHOOL STREET. 






'^ 



DISCOURSE. 



It is believed, tl)at the members of an Association are now 
addressed, whose chief object in associating was, to devote tiieir 
united efforts to making the members of society as intelHgent and 
happy as they can be. I have, therefore, supposed, that if I am 
capable of performing the service implied in accepting the honor 
conferred on me, I could not do it more usefully, than by showing, 
as well as my humble means will permit, how intelligence and 
happiness may be promoted. 

As the words intelligence and happiness may have different 
meanings, in different minds, it may be proper, first, to explain 
the sense in which they are used on this occasion. Intelligence, 
in its most comprehensive sense, may mean all the knowledge 
which the human mind can attain to. But as it is, for the per- 
sent purpose, to be used in reference to all the members of soci- 
ety, it is used as meaning that information which each member 
should have in the station which he may hold, whether it be 
public, or private ; prominent, or humble. Every one, of what- 
ever station, has rights and duties. If he conduct himself well 
and usefully to himself, and others, in all his relations, he may be 
entitled to be considered intelligent ; if he conduct himself per- 
versely, or ignorantly, and make a bad use of life for himself; 



and is a cause of trouble and vexation to others, he cannot be so 
considered. InteHigence, then, implies knowledge of motives, 
means, and ends, to good purposes. One may be adroit, cun- 
ning, and fraudulent, and may well understand how to accomplish 
bad purposes ; but he should not be called intelligent, since he 
either knows not what life was given for, or he foolishly misap- 
plies the gift. 

The word happiness will be used, on this occasion, as meaning, 
freedom from bodily pain, from self-reproaching retrospect, and 
from disquieting apprehensions of the future ; and the enjoyment 
of all pleasures which occasion no suffering, penitence, or regret. 

If these words be so understood, one need not hesitate to say, 
that the American people are very far from being as intelligent, 
and as happy, as they might be. With respect to those of them 
who have made much progress in adult age, their opinions and 
habits, if essentially wrong, are not likely to be changed for the 
better, by any course of instruction. If there be room for im- 
provement, we must devote our services to the young. In the 
present, and probable condition of the American people, children 
are an object of intense interest to every person, who is capable 
of rightly understanding, and duly estimating the means of indi- 
vidual, domestic, social, and political happiness. We who are now 
beyond the middle age of life, ought not to forget, in what a little 
moment, they who are now children will occupy our vacated sta- 
tions. Nor ought we to forget, that if we wish well to them, and 
hope to be favorably remembered, we have some sober duties to 
perform while the sand of the hour-glass still continues to run. 
Every patriotic and benevolent man should feel, that he lives in 
the long past, in the active present, and in the far-coming future. 
He is, what those who went before him, have made him to be ; 
those who are coming, will be what he, and his co-agents, make 
of them. Society may be likened to a long flowing river. Some 
parts are continually mingling with the insatiable ocean ; others, 
disappear by early evaporation ; while other parts are con- 
tinually coming in from fountains, and tributary streams. If 



these renewals of the ceaseless river be turgid, unliealthy, 
and noxious, surely the whole extent of the gathered waters, 
must soon have the same character. 

In treating of the proper course of public instruction, in our 
country, it must be remembered, we have proudly declared to the 
world, that we need no kings, no lords, no military force to govern 
us ; that we can make, and can live, under our own laws, peace- 
ably administered by rulers of our own choosing ; that we need no 
established priesthood, no creeds of human invention ; but that 
we can, and will, worship the Creator in sincerity and truth, un- 
der the guidance of pure and enlightened teachers of our own 
selection. 

This is glorious freedom ; and worth all the precious treasure, 
and noble daring, which it cost. But, what has been obtained ? 
JYothing Out the power to act. The talent has been confided to 
us. Shall we use it, or hide it in a napkin ? Shall we do far 
worse with it ; shall we prove ourselves unworthy of the trust, 
and purchase for ourselves the just charge of ingratitude to pre- 
decessors, and the contempt of followers ? Whoever will look 
into the future of this great and increasing country, even for a 
few years, with an eye prepared for the inspection, by having ob- 
served human nature, as it has hitherto shown itself in the history 
of the world, will be startled into the inquiry, what arc the duties 
of the age in xoh'ich 1 live; and what are my own duties 1 

h\ tlie aspect of the present, there are two facts, which will 
force themselves on the notice of any observing mind ; the one 
is, that with all our liberty to act as we please, for our own good, 
we are far from having the benefits which education can impart; 
and the other is, tliat we are in danger of losing the good we now 
have. If education be designed to make the members of society 
intelligent and happy, how does it happen, that after all that has 
been accomplished, this is still a pains-taking, anxious, and trouble- 
some world, to little purpose, among a large proportion of all who 
dwell in it ? Why is it so ; and what is to be done to make ex- 
istence better .-' 



6 

Whatsoever answers my limited means permit me to give to 
such questions, will be found in an attempt to answer another 
question, In what manner should an American youth he educated 7 

This is a question, in which a small portion of the busy and 
active members of society, consider tliemselves to be interested. 
If one can find satisfactory excuses for his neutrality, in all mat- 
ters relating to the welfare of his fellow-men, he does not deserve 
the privilege, and the honor, of being an American citizen, if he 
is resolved to take no part, nor interest, in the instruction of the 
young. 

It is supposed that the proper education of an American youth, 
may comprise ; 1. whatsoever pertains to his person, as an ani- 
mal being ; 2d, whatsoever belongs to the development and use 
of his understanding; 3d. whatsoever belongs to his motives, and 
to the object of all the acts, which he may justly do ; 4th. what- 
soever is involved in the duties of a citizen, in a free popular 
government. 

The mere animal enjoyment of life, is far from being well un- 
derstood in this country. This subject better deserves an appro- 
priate treatise, than a short remark, which is all that this occa- 
sion allows. In this respect, we might be, with our abundant 
means, far more intelligent and happy than we are. If those 
benevolent persons who give a portion of their time to teaching 
in Lyceums, would discourse on the common-sense practical 
philosophy of life, they would do far more good than they can 
do by discoursing, ever so wisely, on poetry, astronomy, rail- 
roads, and steam-engines. How to eat, how to sleep, how to la- 
bor, what air to breathe, how to be dressed, and how to be clean- 
ly, concern every man, woman, and child ; for all these go to 
health, without which intellectual pleasures are of little worth. 

It is believed that there are lasting and painful infirmities, 
which begin in the school-room. It is a convenience, and a re- 
lief, to a busy mother, to send her children to school, for several 
hours in the day. She considers them safe while so employed ; 
nor only so, they are getting learning, and preparing to get a liv- 
ing. But at this tender age, while the bones are hardening, and 



7 

* 

ihe delicate structure of the humau iVame is easily deranged, it 
is more than probable, that long continued sitting, lays the foun- 
dation for diseases which show themselves in after life, and oc- 
casion affliction to the child, and cost and pain to parents. The 
learning that may be acquired, in these early years, can be no 
compensation for such evils. It would be far better, for parent and 
child, to have good schools for pJnijing, as well as learning, during 
the early years of infancy. The natural athletic action of the 
human system, has no tendency to deform, or enfeeble it ; while 
the tedious confinement of the school-room is certain to do both. 
All that is contended for, is, that there should be a rational inter- 
mixture of bodily action, and mental employment for children, as 
mutually auxiliary in preserving health, and in acquiring learning; 
and however common such thoughts may be, they cannot be too 
often expressed until they are carried into practical and general 
effect. 

Of the schools which come next to those ibr the very young, 
I have no information, or experience, in leaching, or discipline, 
which would justify me in expressing any opinions. It would 
seem reasonable, as learning may be so useful, profitable, and pleas- 
ant, that all associations with the means of acquiring it, should be 
made as pleasant as they can be. And this, not only for the hap- 
piness of childhood, but to induce the pursuit of information, as a 
benefit, and not as a task, in more advanced years. It is well 
known to some who are present, that many years ago, the recol- 
lections oi school years were as little pleasant as any in the course 
of life. It maybe, and it is believed to be, far different now; and 
that the lesson and the birch, are not now, as formerly, familiar 
associates. It is seen, that experienced and intelligent minds are 
busy in discerning and applying the best means of stimulating 
young minds, to use and develope their powers. It remains per- 
haps to be proved, by repeated experiments, whether kind treat- 
ment, persuasion, familiar conversation, occasional explanation, and 
rewards, are the best stimulants to intellectual exertion, or wheth- 
er the preceptor must be despotic, in his own little empire, to 
make good scholars. Such matters must be referred to the deci- 



8 

* 

sion of the humane, and experienced, in the difficult duty of un- 
folding the very varied and even strongly contrasted capacities of 
early age. 

The establishment of schools uniting intellectral pursuits, and 
mechanical labor, is said, by some judicious persons, to be an 
object which deserves the immediate attention of our community. 
This can be effected but in one of three modes, as it involves 
considerable expense. It must be done by generous donations, 
by investment made with a view to gaining a revenue from it, or 
I)y appropriation of public money by the legislature. When the 
powers which have been given by the people to the law making 
authority, really embracing, as they do, every thing which ought 
to be done for the public welfare, are taken into view, it would 
seem, especially in this state, that much less is done, than might 
be. It is to be hoped that it will be discerned, how profitably 
and honorably the legislative power might be exercised for the 
promotion of intelligence ; and that it will be an admitted truth, 
and practically applied, that whatsoever Americans have, that is 
worth having, will be worth still more, from the diffusion of 
knowledge. 

If this spirit should be found to influence the public councils of 
this and other states, it is probable, that another public improve- 
ment may be expected. There is a space to be filled, one would 
think, between the common school and colleges. Academies, 
in part, occupy this space for females. But there is a numerous 
class, who constitute the strength of society, engaged in agriculture, 
mechanical, and other employments. On this class, no small 
portion of individual and general prosperity, essentially depends. 
They become, in the usual course of affairs, jurymen, town-ofh- 
cers, legislators, referees, executors, administrators, and members 
of many associations. The common school does not furnish this 
class with the full instruction which it would be convenient 
and useful for them to have, as well for themselves, as in a pub- 
lic view. Collegiate education is not desired by them, nor at- 
tainable, consistently with their engagements. In general, they 
are sufficiently ambitious to desire, and successful in obtaining, 



the information tliey need. If ilie sjihcrc of the common schools 
were enlarged, or some appropriate seminary were established, so 
as to meet what are supposed to be wants, among this portion of 
our citizens, it would be a proi)er and useful improvement in 
general education. 

Admit that all our schools, as they now exist, and all others 
which have been mentioned, if established, answered the purposes 
intended, they would only qualify young persons to commence 
the getting of a living, and to acquire property, as though the 
sole purpose of this life were to get, and to use, to keep, and 
die possessed of, such things as can be weighed, measured and 
counted, or valued by money. It is not perceived, that it makes 
any part of the course of education, to teach hoiv to live, oi- for 
what to live. Is it wise or consistent v^^ith human capacity, to 
limit education to the mere purpose of getting this world's goods, 
and to exclude all instruction as to the uses to which they should 
be applied, and as to their true value in comparison with other 
attainments ? It is not assumed that property is, in general, 
misused among us, nor intended that the honorable industry 
which is enriching this country, should be laid aside or interrupted. 
No doubt this industry is conclusive proof of national welfare, as 
far as it goes It is the source of the noble charities of which our 
citizens may be justly proud, since nearly all of these come 
from private donations, and not from the public chest. Passing 
by many cases, which might be mentioned, we may select, 
with pride and pleasure, the recent munificence of one of our 
citizens, in aiding to bestow a new sense on those whom nature 
seems to have neglected, and to restore a sense to those whom 
misfortune has bereaved.* Such sensibility to the wants of 

* The gift of the Honorable Thomas H. Perkins, of an estate in Pearl 
Street, Boston, valued at thirty thousand dollars, as an Asylum for the Blind 
Fifty thousand dollars were contributed, within sixty days, to constitute a fund 
for the same object. This is but one of the many similar instances of this gen- 
tleman's use of money, who seems to understand the important distinction 
between being almoner for one's self, and leaving charitable appropriations to 
the ministry of executors and trustees. 

2 



10 

others, sheds a glorious lustre on our land, ft is not contended, 
that the manner in which property is acquired, or used, is wrong, 
but that the education which qualifies one for no more than to 
acquire property, merely for its own sake, is not that education 
which qualifies any human being to be intelligent and happy. 
For, let it be supposed that young men are as well instructed as 
they now can be, in our schools and seminaries, that agriculiure is 
well understood, and that every acre of ground is as well cultivated 
as it can be; that the public roads are as good as they can be ; 
and that rail roads and canals exist, wherever they can be profit- 
ably used ; that all the mill power in the country is well applied ; 
that foreign commerce is prosperous ; and every sort of industry 
as productive, as free competition will allow. Let us also sup- 
pose, that we frequently hear of obscure villages becoming 
important towns, and inconsiderable towns, populous cities. Let 
us assume correspondent comforts, conveniences and luxuries; 
that population is everywhere increasing ; that the interests of 
learning are attended to ; that pauperism is diminished ; intem- 
perance suppressed ; and crime of rare occurrence. This would 
be considered a picture of brilliant national prosperity. Could 
anything more he asked for in this life, and what people could be 
more substantially blessed ? 

At this day, the people of the United States are not afar off 
from the reality of this picture. And yet in the absence of all 
sickness and bodily infirmities, how many grievous heartaches 
are there in this seemingly happy land. How much misery in 
the cities ; how much mental suffering in every town and village. 
How many toiling after what they cannot gain, and ought not to 
gain if they could; and which would be found dissatisfying and 
empty, if success were sure to follow effort. How many are 
there who have festering troubles at the heart, which they keep to 
themselves, or trust only to the confidence of tried and mutual 
friendship. How many are there, surrounded with all that seems 
essential to happy life, and who are really objects of envy, who, 
nevertheless, feel that this is a sad and wearisome world, and not 



11 

worth coming into for the good it gives, however reluctant they 
may be to leave it. If these tilings be so, are they ordained so 
to be, by man's Creator ; or do they arise from some otlier cause ? 
One would be slow to believe, that the Author of this well order- 
ed and beautiful universe, and of the human mind, and of the 
power and interest to use it for the best purposes, has made such 
a state of things unavoidable, at all events, to the best condition 
of the human race. It seems more probable that we are at fault, 
and that we have not yet made all the progress towards a happy 
earthly life, of which we are capable. 

Shall one venture to say, in such an assembly as this, that our 
systems of education are essentially defective ? The supposed 
defect does not lie in the want of such instruction as enables the 
members of society to get a living, and to acquire property ; but 
in this, that it is not adapted to make life as happy as it might be. 
If we glance over the attainments derived from education, it is 
believed, that the supposed defect will appear. Reading, writing, 
and arithmetic, are universally deemed to be essential. The 
common business of society could not go on without these. But 
the most accomplished persons in these attainments are quite as 
likely as those who know nothing of them, to find this a very 
troublesome sort of world. 

Then something more is needed than this sort of schooling, to 
make this a comfortable and pleasing state of being. Add, then, 
the most accurate knowledge of grammar, of geography, of history, 
of mathematics, of natural philosophy ; add, also, as many lan- 
guages as one can master, and to these add the skill which entitles 
one to highest distinction in some one of the departments of indus- 
try, whether mechanical, scientific, or professional. Add to these 
voluntary unbought suffrage, to the highest stations, and to all 
these attainments, good health. So qualified, so gifted, and so 
fortunate, why should not one be at ease, and in happiness? Let 
us sound the heart of any one who comes nearest to all this, and 
hearken to the response. Does any one doubt what it will be ? 
How near will it come to this : 'Tis a troublesome, and a weary 



12 

world to live in ; full of disappointments, vexations, and sorrows ! 
Such dissati^f ed man, it may be said, has not been disciplined in 
philosophy ; he ought to know, that it is such a world as he takes 
it to be, and that the Creator meant it should be so ; and th:it he 
should live in it accordingly. Or, he does not understand the 
world, and knows not how to live in it. Then furnish him with 
philosophy, and make him wise in the use of it. Let him have 
the best sort which the wisest minds of Greece, in its most splen- 
did age could furnish. This was ihe creed of one of the best 
classes of that age. ' Pleasure, or pain, is the measure of what 
is good, or evil, in every object of desire, or aversion. However, 
pleasure ought not in every instance, to be pursued, nor pain 
avoided ; but reason is to compare, and distinguish, the nature 
and degree of each, that the result may be a wise choice of what 
may appear to be, on the whole, good. That pleasure is the first 
good, appears from the inclination which every animal, from its 
first birih discovers, to pursue pleasure, and avoid pain ; and is 
confirmed by the universal experience of mankind, who are ex- 
cited to action on no other principle than the desire of avoiding 
pain, and obtaining pleasure. Pleasure is of two kinds : one con- 
sisting in a state of rest, in which body and mind are free from 
pain ; the other arising from an agreeable agitation of the senses, 
producing a correspondent emotion in the soul. Upon the former 
of these, the enjoyment of life chiefly depends. Happiness may, 
therefore, be said to consist in bodily ease, and mental tran- 
quillity. It is the office of reason to confine the pursuit of pleas- 
ure within the limits of nature, so as to attain this happy state, 
which neither resembles a standing pool, nor a rapid torrent, but 
is like a gentle stream, that glides smoothly and silently along.' 

This may have been very good philosophy for its time. But 
even then it could have been applied only to one man in many 
thousands. It could not have had any application to laborers, 
warriors, poets, painters, sculptors, and ambitious politicians, any 
more than it now applies to farmers, manufacturers, merchants, 
lawyers, divines, physicians, political partizans, and patriots. The 



13 

day is gone by, in which happiness is found solely in bodily case, 
and mental tranquillity. Tiiese are inconsistent with the modern 
action of the world. For without action, no man will pretend 
that there can be any approach to happiness. This philosophy 
places the highest happiness in idleness. Modern experience 
shows, that inaction is man's most intolerable state. Certainly, 
then, in our busy country, philosophy has no tendency to console 
one for the burthens, vexations and the distresses of life. It 
seems necessary, therefore, to find something better than the best 
philosophy of the Greeks, out of which to make human life 
pleasant. 

As man is left to act as he sees fit, and has proved himself ca- 
pable of bettering his condition, through all the long distance 
which lies between barbarism, and his present advancement, it 
seems reasonable to believe, that he may go still further ; and 
that all the troubles which he experiences (except in the opera- 
tion of the general laws of nature) arise from his own igno- 
rance, or perversion. This is the more probable, because there 
is no want of rules for the action of human life, nor doubt of 
their soundness, authority, or sanction. The error lies, it is be- 
lieved, in some deficiency in impressing these rides on youthful 
minds. We tell a youth what a wicked world it is, and how 
many wicked people there are in it, and we terrify him with dis- 
tant and unintelligible punishments. We do not teach him the 
beauty, the excellence, and fitness of virtue, to make this a pleasant 
life. Probably not one youth in a hundred has any such system- 
atic teaching how to attain to the best state of being, as he has in 
the art of getting money. Health and strength are the first objects, 
and it is surely a weakness to covet sympathy for the feebleness 
of the body. It is believed that no instruction is addressed to one's 
reason in early life, on the causes of loosing, nor on the proper 
means of preserving, the bodily powers. The advantages of truth, 
justice, and industry are not brought within the notice of children, 
though they may be severely punished for falsehood, fraud, and 
idleness. The uses and the pleasures of prudence, humanity. 



14 

benevolence, generosity, and sympathy, are not objects of instruc- 
tion, though improvidence, selfishness, and meanness, may be 
sometimes chastised or reproached. The inestimable treasure of a 
pure and consoling conscience is a matter clearly 'vithin a child's 
comprehension ; but of this he rarely hears, during all his child- 
hood ; while he is very sure to feel a vindictive sorrow from being 
charged with guilt. The little extent to which mora] teaching 
goes, seems to be, to tell a child of faults and crimes, to threaten 
the punishment of them, and to make a festering enmity in his 
heart, by executing the threat. It is not believed that there is a 
natural propensity to evil in children, which must be whipped out 
of them. It is far more probable, that most children may, by 
kindness, gentleness, and persuasion, be made to comprehend the 
beauty and utility of a natural and pure morality. It is far more 
probable that children can be made so to comprehend, than that 
adults can, who commonly first hear that there may be such 
things, after they have been steeped in worldly experience. 
Should a child be told before hand, that he can do wrong ; and 
when he does wrong, would not the best correction be to make 
him fully comprehend the advantages of doing right? Suppose 
that all the members of society were so instructed in the real 
good of doing right, that they spoke only the truth, and were 
temperate, just, benevolent, forbearing, kind-hearted, and indus- 
trious, would society come to an end ? Suppose the desired 
things of this life, and the objects of distinction, now so zealously 
pursued, were justly and not vainly and foolishly estimated, 
would the inducements to productive industry cease ? Suppose 
that all the members of society had learned in infancy that they 
v\ould promote their own interest in being sincere in acts, and 
professions, would the courtesies, and charms of society be abol- 
ished ? Suppose it were inculcated in the minds of the young 
that if they desire to be ever at peace with themselves, they 
must consider before they act, and avoid every act which will bring 
self-reproach ; would they be disqualified, by such lessons, to min- 
gle in the affairs of the world ? 



15 

What the answers to these, and similar questions, must be, no 
reasonable person can doubt. Ii must be remembered too, that 
such morality, as tiiese questions imply, does not depend on Gre- 
cian philosophy, nor on any human dictation, but comes from high 
and awful authority. Will it ever come to be the case, that edu- 
cation will elevate, even a majority of human minds, to know 
how to derive the greatest good from using external objects ; how 
to practise the best rules of life, as to one's self, and others ; or 
how to insure a calm, dignified self-respect under all circumstan- 
ces ; or how to attain to a sincere conviction, that whatsoever 
concerns physical, moral, or intellectual being, refers, necessarily, 
to the will of a Creator ; and that nothing wrong can happen 
among them, when they are not wrong themselves ? We are not 
to despair that it will, at some time come to this, however distant 
from it society appears now to be. 

It may be expected, that when one ventures to assume that so- 
ciety is in error, and can become wiser, that he should point out 
the cause of error, and suggest the remedy. I have but light 
pretensions to be able to do this. So far as I can see into this 
matter, it arises from the general prevalence of unsound opinions, 
as to worldly good ; and from the habit into which the members 
of society have fallen, of making comparisons between their own 
condition, and that of others. One, for example, has little satis- 
faction in a keen appetite, simple food, good clean raiment, a mod- 
erate and comfortable dwelling-place, furnished for usefulness and 
not for show, and in safe and convenient means of transportation 
from place to place, nor even in good health, when he is obliged 
to compare himself with one who dwells in a splendid mansion, 
adorned with pictures and statues, and who dines at a table daz- 
zling with porcelain, silver, and gold, and on food which it has tor- 
tured ingenuity to prepare for him ; and who rides on yielding 
springs, seated on downy cushions. But the person who distresses 
himself in comparing his condition with that of his fortunate 
and luxurious neighbor, would be astonished to hear, that his 
neighbor is envying him for his supposed freedom from vexatious 



16 

care, for his tranquil industry, and well earned health. It does 
not seem to be the possession of riches, nor every use, nor even 
the most common use of them, which constitutes happiness. 

For, after the common wants of nature are satisfied, if the rich 
have no inclination to use money for charitable purposes, or the 
public benefit, the pleasure of being rich must be derived from 
the consciousness of being thought, by the world, to be so. The 
real value of wealth may be tested by comparing it with know- 
ledge. Lord Bacon, or some other wise man, says that knowledge 
is power. Wealth cannot buy health, but can easily lead to dis- 
ease. It cannot buy knowledge, good sense, taste, good manners, 
or good feelings, but may, and often does, prevent the acquisition 
of all of them. It cannot purchase self-satisfaction, or tranquillity, 
but often makes one dissatisfied and painfully anxious. It does 
not make one independent, but often makes one a miserable slave. 
If a miracle could be wrought in relation to a sensible, well in- 
formed man, and a rich one who values himself only on his riches, 
the true value of wealth woidd be discerned. Suppose two such 
men could remain precisely in their respective conditions, as to 
possession and use of worldly things, but that the eyes, and ears, 
and tongues of the world, should become insensible as to both of 
them. The rich man's house would be seen, but he would not 
be known to be the possessor. His festivals would occur, but he 
would not be known to give them. His equipage would continue 
to glitter, but he would not be known to be the fortunate owner. 
He would come to the sad conclusion, that he spends his life for 
others, and does not live for himself. While the other man would 
still have his own sources of satisfaction, and come to the sound 
conclusion, that the world's admiration is of no worth to him. 
But this is not the worst of selfish wealth. One's children are 
necessarily habituated to consider, that the business of this life, 
and all that life is given for, is to be rich. They receive no 
instruction which qualifies them to know how riches should be 
used. If they inherit, and become afterwards poor, they are in a 
miserable state, conqpared with a poor man's child, who thinks it 



17 

no degradation, but a privilege, to labor in any honest vocation. 
There are some who think the statute of distributions is an unwise 
provision ; it tends, they say, io break families down in three or 
four generations. So far from being wrong, this is the very best 
feature in our whole system of policy. If wealth could be en- 
tailed, in such a country as this, while education continues as it is, 
all the inducements to be intelligent and hap[)y would disappear 
from the land. The less that is thought of wealth, for its own 
sake, and the more that is thought of those qualities which no 
vveahh can purchase, the better pretensions will Americans have 
to intelligence and happiness. 

And as to other distinctions, as beauty, grace, talent of any 
order, eloquence, learning, ancestry, these would be of very insig- 
nificant value to the possessors, if they were deprived of the 
pleasure of comparing themselves with others ; and of the still 
higher pleasure of believing, that others regard such distinctions 
as proofs of happiness. And so with regard to official distinction. 

The oflice of President of the United States may disclose to us, 
how it may be in many other offices, which are not sought, and 
taken merely to get one's daily bread. Suppose we could cer- 
tainly know the pains and the pleasures which are supposed to 
be experienced by one who holds the office of President. Take 
away from him all the pleasure of knowing that he stands on a 
pedestal, which no one, in his whole nation, can ascend while he 
stands there ; and that tlie eyes of the world are turned to 
him in envy, or admiration. Bereft of this pleasure, there would 
be but a light balance of pleasure to console him for his anxious, 
perplexing, wearisome and dibgusiing existence. 

Are we, then, to assume that in a country whose affairs must be 
conducted by elected officers, there will be no inducement to take 
office but that of making comparisons? The number of genuine 
patriots who get into office and hang on to it, and qnairel for it, 
to the imminent hazard of ingulphing our national bark and sinking 
it to the bottom, leaves no room for doubt, as to inducements. 
Passing by these hungry, craving hosts, who prefer precarious 



18 

feeding on the public, to private independence, there have been 
men in our land, whose ample souls were too full of dignity, and 
duty, to leave any space for the entry of the poor vanity of com- 
parison. Of such men were Washington, and John Jay. They 
acted towards their fellow-men, throughout their lives, knowing 
that they were ever in the presence of a Judge, whose wrathful 
indignation they never feared, nor thought of; but the con- 
sciousness of whose approbation, (whatever men might do or 
think,) was that sentiment which ever made retrospect grateful, 
and the future cheerful ; and which was abundant in pleasures 
that left no sting. It is hoped our nation will find out, that the 
race of such men has not come to an end. 

Are we to annihilate or banish from private society one of the 
most powerful of motives to action ? Is one to shut his eyes upon 
the condition of all around him, and expect of them to do the same 
towards him ? This would be to put an end to social relations. 
Comparison-making is, in itself, rightly applied, the very salt of 
society. Suppose that all of us were to think of riches, and dis- 
tinctions as they should be thought of; and should compare our- 
selves with each other in profitable intellectual attainments ; in 
habits of useful industry ; in the performance of the manifold obli- 
gations as members of society ; and in all those virtues, and in- 
nocent accomplishments, which adorn domestic life, and shed a 
satisfying pleasure on social intercourse ; suppose that our public 
men should compare themselves with each other, in patriotic in- 
telligence, and in seeking for themselves that self-respect, and 
cheering complacency, which they will earnestly desire, when the 
hour approaches for their final retrospect of life ; and when one 
must think, what the living will do with the fame of the dead ; 
why, then, if this were all so, comparison-making would be a very 
good thing, and this world would be relieved from no small por- 
tion of its griefs, and vexations, and become a reasonable, and 
satisfying place to live in. 

But who can hope, in this thriving, money-making, comparison- 
making community, vieing in festivals, splendor, and show, that 
such fanciful notions can find entrance to any mind ? Yet it is 



19 

firmly believed, that whatsoever we do to promote common leani- 
ing, and science, our duties demand of us, still more urgently, 
to promote sound, rational, practical morality, among all the 
members of society ; for without this we have no reason to hope 
for individual happiness, or national security. 

If the true value of a cheerful, virtuous life, were seen 
in domestic precept, and example ; if rational, moral teaching, 
conducted by gentleness and persuasion, and not by fear and 
terror, were found in all our sen)inaries, one would think the 
Americans might become a truly happy people, if such there can 
ever be. It is believed that if such teaching prevailed among us, 
there would not be so many sorrowful and mortifying lessons to 
learn after adult age has come over us. We should not waste our 
lives in the pursuit of objects, which cause bitter disappointments 
when not obtained, and which are found to be vain, and wortl)less, 
if obtained. We should not so often be distressed with the indis- 
cretions and follies of others, nor find ourselves so often engaged 
in mourning over our own. We should not so often, as we now do, 
meet our fellow-men in business, in politics, and religion, with em- 
bittered feelings. We should not, as many are now fated to do, re- 
gard the desired gift of children, not as a cause of grateful emotion, 
but as a cause of inexpressible sadness. There would not be so 
many who daily wake to a depressing sense of present and coming 
evils, known to be phantoms that vanish in the light of reason ; but 
which still gather round one in the shades of night, and are again 
to be dispelled when morning comes. And when okl age comes 
on, and the pathway seems overshadowed to the dim eye, and 
nothing is seen there to attract, and prompt one onward, we 
should tranquilly regard that which lies beyond its end, and not turn 
to cast ' a longing, lingering look ' over the path that has been 
traced. He only has been well instructed, who can engage in this 
retrospect without painful emotions. Most men so engaged plainly 
see the good they have missed, but might have had. Most of 
them will be reminded of scenes, which ought to have been 
grateful as they passed, but which went by, little valued, and 
which can be known no more. Not a few trace the relics of 



20 

lovely forms, and lovelier minds, of which the worth was unper- 
ceived, while they were familiar. Tliere are some to whom these 
offices of memory are truly mournful, since they are strangers to 
the hope, that they shall know these forms, and minds, again, when 
they too, shall have passed awny. 

There is little doubt that the means of education now are, or 
soon will be, fully adequate, to teaching all that need be known 
to acquire property. If there should be any highly desirable ad- 
vancement in the character of instruction, it will be to teach how to 
live, and for what to live. I pretend to no knowledge how this 
great end can be accomplished. But we ought to believe, that 
everything which ought to be done, can be done, if this end be 
thought a proper one to strive for, it may be expected that it will be 
accomplished, if any where, in a country where no ecclesiastical 
or political bondage is known ; and where all its citizens are at 
liberty to effect any good which they may desire. 

A people who have the right of self-government, have duties to 
perform as a nation ; and however instructed in common, and in 
scientific learning, however rationally religious, and purely moral, 
an American youth may be, he is defectively educated if he be 
ignorant of the political institutions of his own country, and of the 
rights and duties of a citizen. We see here, for the first time in 
the history of men, sovereignty universally diffused, and that sove- 
reignty dependent, in the making and executing of laws, on uni- 
versal suffrage. 

By what means national perils, and sufferings can be averted, 
met, or remedied, and by what means the highest degree of se- 
curity, and happiness, may be had in a nation, must depend on 
human agency to some extent. But the wisest agents, in the 
space of time in which they can exercise power, can rarely for- 
see all the consequences of the measures, which they may order, 
or accomplish.* It might be an instructive inquiry to Americans, 

* It is somewhere said, that civil government is only a course of expedients ; 
each day bringing its own evils, which, in each day, must be remedied, if they 
can be ; and that a statesman must content himself with doing this, if he can. 
But this ought not to be considered so, in this country. 



21 

who have far more power to order and accomplish, for their own 
good, than any people iiave ever had, to study the course of so- 
cial action, and to learn how this has hecn over-ruled, by the 
power that can order, and accomplish, throughout the long series 
of ages. An example may be found in the question, what the 
fanatical warfiu-C; which began with the thirteenth century, had to 
do, with the rational liberty and equality, which are now practi- 
cally known to the people of the United States ? The military 
genius,, the powers of sovereignty, the physical force, and the riches 
of Europe were then suddenly devoted to the remote and im- 
practicable purpose of expelling the Saracens from the Holy 
Land. This was a surprising change from the desolating feudal 
warfare, mingled with barbarous magnificence, and abject vas- 
salage, which had constituted, for ages, the principal elements of 
society. The human purpose, in this case, arose I'rom a perverted 
and absurd sense of religious duty. The Divine purpose seems 
to have been, to change the condition of society, by giving new, 
and better objects of desire to the human mind. Among the 
unforseen consequences of the Holy wars, as they are called, 
were more expanded views arising from the collisions of able 
minds, the enlightening and refining influences of commerce, the 
accidental discovery of the long forgotten, and still admirable code 
of Roman [jaw, and an ardent devotion to improving the human 
understanding. The paralyzing reign of the Roman Hierarchy 
was soon felt to be wrong, and oppressive. In this state of feel- 
ing, some men, and eminently so Luther, secured to themselves 
an enduring fame by showing the way to break from their alle- 
giance to the Roman Church. Here the human purpose seems 
to have been no more, than to escape from one sort of creed and 
worship, to establish others, hardly preferable, and still under a 
despotism not less severe than that which was repelled. The 
Divine purpose seems to have been, however, unperceived by the 
agents of that dpy, still further to advance the knowledge of hu- 
man power, duty, and welfare; and that out of the afflictive tyran- 
ny of these days, should arise, the satisfying conception, that men 



can govern themselves, in their own right ; and that hereditary- 
right to rule, is unnatural and absurd. Wlio they were who 
first so conceived, and by what wonderful patience, exertion, and 
perseverance, this truth has become the fundamental law of our 
country, is the honorable distinction of American history. It may 
be hoped that the Divine, and the human purpose, have in our 
case united, and that we shall be able to prove ourselves worthy 
of the trust which has been thus reposed in us. 

It may be said, that tlie Divine and the human purpose, can 
never accord, since the one runs through all duration of time, 
while the latter must be limited to a generation, or even to a day. 
Looking back through historical periods, this may seem to be so. 
Thus it may be asked, what human prescience could have given 
the intimation, that the present state of Europe might be, what it 
is now known to be ; and if its liability to be, what it is, could 
have been discerned, what human wisdom could have made it 
otherwise ? Could any one have foreseen, that what are called 
the triumphs of genius in glorious war, in science, in commerce, 
in manufacturing industry ; or the proud honors of royalty, re- 
nowned ancestry, religious devotion, ecclesiastical dignity, and 
national grandeur, might, in any lapse of time, bring any nation to 
the verge of social dissolution, threatening to reduce all that ages 
have been cementing, to first elements, in a single convulsion ? 
What a state of society must that be, in which hereditary claims, 
long accustomed habits, the interests, and the prejudices of priest- 
hood, pride, character, craving want, accumulated riches, the 
sense of intolerable oppression, and brutal notions of liberty, are 
liable to mingle at any moment, in desolating conflict ! Such 
condition may be consistent with the Divine purpose, as some 
better condition may come from what seems to be appalling evil ; 
and yet, who can doubt that if human wisdom, and just regard for 
the future, had been, heretofore, applied, that such would not 
have been the state of any European people. 

Is there not something touchingly monitory to us, in the mourn- 
ful prospects of Europe ? We often hear short-sighted philan- 



23 

thropists boast of 'the march of mind,' as they call it, and of the 
coining reign of republican freedom. They seem not to know, 
what intelligence and virtue have to do with such freedom. They 
shut their eyes upon the convulsive experiments already made in 
Europe, which have ended, as all such experiments, (in the 
absence of virtue and intelligence,) must end, in the terrible 
tranquillizer of all commotions, the power of the strongest. 
There is monition for us, also, in the state of South America, 
from which we have, by every arrival, some account of new po- 
litical paroxysm ; as though a party-colored, ignorant, priest- 
ridden population, could comprehend, and live in, republican 
freedom. There is still more touching monition in the state of 
our own country. One may almost ask, whether the experiment 
in republicanism, has not already failed with us ; and if it has not, 
whether the day is not soon to come in which it must fail, if hu- 
man purpose do not forthwith and wisely, pursue some other 
course than that to which it is now devoted. 

What is that, in which the people of the United States con- 
sider themselves to be privileged, far above every other people ; 
and to gain which a majority of all who dwell in Europe would 
gladly risk their lives ? One knows not what it is, unless it be 
the right of choosing rulers from among equals. Yet, through 
this, which is not only a good thing politically, but the best po- 
litical thing that can be, this country seems to be hurrying on to 
as deplorable a condition as any which is seen in Euro})e, or 
South America. How should it be otherwise ? We go on, from 
generation to generation, as though a clear knowledge of the 
rights and duties of a free citizen could be had, throughout our 
extensive country, by some sort of inspiration. We all know, 
every citizen is presumed to judge of public policy, and to bo 
able, if it be wicked or unwise, to correct it, by exercising his 
electoral right. Yet, there is not one youth in a thousand, even 
among the best educated, who ever spent an hour in studying 
the principles of our political and social being. it will not be 
denied, that nearly all our children pass from minority into citizen- 



24 

ship, and all its serious duties, without one word of instruction as 
to the nature of these duties, nor even that there are any such duties. 
If a youth observes at all what is passing in the political world, he 
only reads some speech, as a specimen of eloquence ; or notices 
some electioneering controversy, which must seem to him to be 
of much the same dignity as a combat among gladiators ; and if 
the election involve some principle of constitutional law, or of 
vital expediency, these lie far beyond his perception. How 
should he have learned, that on the conscientious exercise of 
electoral right, depends the welfare of himself, of all around him, 
and of all who are to come after him ? It never entered his head 
that a sacred trust will soon devolve on him, for which he will be 
held far more seriously accountable than he can be, for any other 
trust, which it may be in his power to assume. 

If there be any among us who think they discern in the signs 
of the times, that this country is fast hastening under the domin- 
ion of factions, as audacious, and corrupt, as any ever known with- 
in the walls of Rome, surely they must feel that they have some 
duties to perform. If they can do nothing to arouse and inform 
adult age, grateful reverence to forefathers, afi'ection for those 
who are of their own times, and faithfulness to coming genera- 
tions, unitedly demand of them to do dieir best and utmost, to in- 
struct and purify the young. 

It is not supposed that education can be so universal, that every 
citizen who is entitled to vote, will be profoundly versed in con- 
stitutional law, or public expediency. But a large majority may 
be sufficiently so ; and we must depend, to some extent, on ex- 
ample, imitation, and sympathy. 

It is as reasonable to suppose that such influences may have 
effect in morals, and public policy, as in the wearing of a watch 
chain, or the deforming fulness of a sleeve. 

It is in vain to busy ourselves in bettering schools, if there be 
no teaching in good morals, and in the rational belief on which 
such morals rest ; for learning, which is not chastened by such 
teaching, is more likely to be mischievous, than useful. Learn 



25 

ing, however chastened, affords no assurance of happiness lo a 
people who are so careless, or ignorant of their puhlic affairs, that 
they know not whether lliey are ruled by honest inihecifity, or 
skilful dishonesty. 

With all the benefits from instruction which we can in any way 
obtain, let us not deceive ourselves in supposing, that we shall be 
free from all embarrassments and perils, as a nation. All thought- 
ful men contemplate the future of this country with fearful emo- 
tions. Tiiey cannot be unmindful of the truth, that it requires 
still more effort to preserve, than to acquire. We have at no 
time been more in want of good information, good sense, and 
sound judgment, than at the present. It is impossible to foresee 
how we shall be affected by the probable state of Europe. We 
have at home, absorbing interests. The perils of the last winter 
and spring seem to have passed harmlessly over. The causes of 
excitement remain. The danger of disunion is not passed. No 
one need now be reminded of the consequences of throwing the 
States into the relation which they sustained from the year 1783 
to 1789. 

As it is so deeply connected with the happiness of our country, 
and with national existence, I venture to express some opinions on 
one subject, which is now much considered in the Nortliern 
States, and in England. It is a subject to be )-egarded with the 
most fearful apprehensions, and which seems to be improvidently 
treated. The ostensible cause of nullification, as it is called, was 
the operation of certain laws of the National Government. It is 
believed that the real cause lies far deeper, and is of far graver 
character. Slavery is a sore evil, whether regarded as social, 
moral, or political. It seems to have originated in the right of 
victory in war, and was common among all ancient nations. The 
right of property in a white man gradually expired, probably un- 
der the influence of the Christian religion, in the thirteenth cen- 
tury. The slavery of Africans was begun by Portugal, under 
Royal authority, at the close of the fifteenth century ; and was 
very soon adopted by Spain. Charles V. granted a patent in 
4 



26 

1517, to supply 4000 negroes annually. In the seventeenth 
century divers companies were incorporated in England, under 
Royal patronage, and slaves became an article of established 
commerce. When the Spaniards obtained possession of South 
America, the natives were slaves in right of conquest, and were 
employed in the mines, a servitude to which they were found to 
be unequal. A Spanish prelate, named Las Casas, from humanity 
to the Indians, introduced the Africans, as the slaves of the West- 
ern world, and gave as one reason, that ihey would obtain the 
' inestimable advantage of a knowledge of the true God, and of 
all the benefits of civilization.' Slavery was soon common in all 
the Spanish colonies, in the West-Indies ; and from thence slaves 
were first brought, as an article of commerce, by a Dutch vessel 
into James River, in Virginia, soon after the settlement of the 
country. Shortly after they were known in all the colonies as 
property, and in some of the States are now so held. 

Morally wrong, and politically grievous, as slavery undoubtedly 
is, it is not perceived that those who were born in the States, 
where slavery thus became incorporated with social existence, 
are to be reproached with its origin, or continuance ; certainly 
not with the former ; nor with the latter, unless they have the 
means of extirpating it. Whether it was right, or wrong, to 
recognise the existence of human beings as property, in establish- 
ing the union of the States, and whether any union could have 
been effected without that recognition, it is worse than useless to 
inquire. Doubtless, wisdom, foresight, and patriotism, are to be 
attributed to the assembly who framed the constitution, and to the 
representative assemblies of the people who adopted it, as much as 
to any that ever met. At any rate there is slavery, and the per- 
sons of the black man, and of his descendants, are regarded as 
property in the national confederacy. Over slaves, as such, the 
national government has no power of legislation, beyond the 
securing and restoration of slaves to owners when they are fugi- 
tives from the States in which their owners live ; and also when 
Congress sees fit to resort to direct taxation ; in which case slaves 



27 

are included with other taxable property. As each State is 
sovereign within its own limits, except in those respects in which 
the people of each State have vested powers of sovereignty in 
the nation, the people of one State can exercise no power over 
person, or property, within the limits of any other. Such are our 
relations, whether we like them or not ; and such they must con- 
tinue to be, until changed by consent, or violence. Thus the 
enormous, dangerous, and revolting evil of slavery has grown up, 
and such some of the most enlightened men who dwell where it 
exists, acknowledge it to be. Under these circumstances, some 
persons among the humane, the moral and religious, who dwell 
where slavery is not, and who are mostly utter strangers to its 
practical operation, from personal inspection, consider themselves 
imperiously called on, from high motives of duty, to demand, and 
by all means in their power to effect, immediate and entire 
abolition. 

Certainly, great respect is due to any class of citizens, who de- 
sire to remove a great moral evil from the land. But it is to be 
expected of any men, who are humane enough to contemplate a 
great moral improvement, that they will be just enough to con- 
sider whether they have a right to interfere; and prudent enough 
to foresee whether their own purposes are practicable ; and wise 
enough to weigh consequences, if they could do as they would. 
It might be expected that the condition of the black man, who 
is the object of this benevolence, would be duly regarded, if that 
of the white man may be disregarded. One would expect well 
digested plans, and a series of measures, leading to their accom- 
plishment. No such plans and measures are presented to public 
notice. Nothing is heard of, but a declaration that slavery is 
morally wrong, it must forthwith be abolished, and consequences 
must be left to God. Suppose a cancer had been engendered in 
the human system, and were extending and associating itself 
with the great organs on which vital action depends, what should 
we think of one who should thrust himself into the councils of 
the diseased party, and insist on tearing the cancer out by violence, 
and that the consequences might be left to God ? 



28 

Immediate and general manumission of the blacks, In their 
wholly unprepared state for such a change, would make them the 
most miserable beings on the face of the earth ; a change which 
they would shudder at, if they could be made to comprehend it. 
What a phenomenon would it be in social and political life, to 
have one sixth part of the whole population of a country, neither 
aliens, subjects, citizens, nor slaves, and who must become familiar 
with miseries unknown to any slaves. 

But the condition of the white man cannot be disregarded. 
The inhabitants of the Southern States are our fellow-citizens. 
They have united with us in forming a political and social system. 
They, and ourselves, are living under it. If it is good for anything 
it is good for the preservation of internal peace ; for the protec- 
tion of property, and the lives of those who are bound together 
by domestic ties. Who in the South, or here, or anywhere, will 
regard the Union as standing before these, or as standing at all, 
but for the security of these, and that they may be enjoyed. No 
prudent, rational man, however sensitive to the impulses of hu- 
manity, will set at naught the most powerful motives that can be 
known to the human heart. 

Slavery, it is believed, will be abolished, if not unwisely inter- 
fered with, in non-slaveholding States. M4ny of our fellow- 
citizens in the South are thoroughly awakened to the evils of 
their condition, and to the probable, if not inevitable con- 
sequences in the course of time. This is unavoidably their affair, 
and not that, either by right or duty, of those who dwell in non- 
slaveholding States. We owe to our fellow-citizens of the South, 
our sympathy and co-operation when they ask for them. It is for 
them to lead, and for us to follow. Motives far more urgent than 
any which mere humanity and supposed moral or religious duty 
can suggest, will carry on the process of manumission, as far and 
as fast as the welfare of the slaves themselves could justify, even 
if that were the only motive. Emancipation must be gradual ; 
it must proceed under legislative and executive authority. It 
may demand the highest wisdom, and all the resources of our 



29 

nation. At all events, it is certain that northern interference can 
do no possible good, and may do incalculable mischief. For 
if we permit our feelings here (for surel}' it cannot be called our 
judgment) to dictate in a matter of such exceeding delicacy and 
intrinsic difficulty, as hitherto to have baffled the best efforts of 
the wisest and best men, we must prepare to see the end of the 
Union; and we must forthwith employ ourselves to educate our 
children to meet the consequences. Among the lectures read at 
some future, but not very distant anniversary of this Institute, may 
be some on the best modes of managing, and disciplining military 
school s."^' 

The colonization of blacks in Africa, and the civilization of 
Africa itself, are subjects of entirely different character. Both 
of them may be considered as having no connexion with the final 
extirpation of slavery ; and so considered are to be compared 
with duties which one owes to his own country, and are to be 
estimated accordingly. If one perform all these duties, he may 
then think of Africa. It is not perceived that the peace or hap- 
piness of our nation is likely to be impaired or promoted by the 
prosecution of either of these objects, however interesting they 
may be to some of our fellow citizens. 

In contemplating the future, the question of slavery is not the 
only subject which excites lively interest, and suggests inquiry 
into the duties which we owe to ourselves, our children, and to 
posterity. 

As every thing human whichisbest, is liable to worst perversion, 
a country which has perfect political and religious freedom, must 

* There is good reason to believe, that Maryland does seriously contemplate 
the extirpation of slavery, by gradual colonization ; and that the same purpose 
engages the attention of some of the most enlightened men in Virginia. But 
in both these States northern interference is looked upon with great displeasure. 
Further south such interference is felt with unqualified indignation. The con- 
victions which prevail in Maryland do not arise from what has been done in 
the north, nor do they iu Virginia. Very different causes may be assigned. 
If such convictions do not travel southward, the principal reason will be the 
deep resentment there felt, for llie indiscreet intermeddling of northern pht- 
lanthiopists. 



30 

expect to encounter the most dangerous abuses. We shall have 
'friends of the people' as though there could be enemies of the 
people, where every male adult must be one of the people. 
We shall hear taking popular phrases, which though they mean 
nothing, confer like Greek apothegms, immortality on the in- 
venters. We shall have patriots, who like Swiss soldiery, are 
faithful to the last drop, to the power that pays best. For real 
republicanism we shall have parties, in which gifted leaders inspire 
all the zeal, and command all the effort, which belong to honest 
patriotism. We shall have politicians who think the sober trust 
of ruling a free community, is a mere game in which he may win 
most, who plays deepest, witli the most skill, and with the least 
honor. For the practical and pure doctrines of enlightened 
Christianity, we shall have form and sound, which leave the mind 
and heart in the same dull night in which they found them, and 
terrified by the darkness which they have made visible. We 
shall have wretches, who though they can look abroad on this won- 
derfid universe, and inwardly on the action of their own immor- 
tal spirit, try to say to themselves, there is no GOD. 

How are these liabilities to abuse to be met, and counteracted .'' 
In no way but by performing the sacred and beneficent trust which 
our Creator has reposed in us ; and especially by taking the pure 
soil of early youth, and making that to yield as we know it can do. 
But why should any one task himself with this irksome labor ? 
Because, there must come to every mortal, who is not a fool, or 
whose soul has not lost all sense in the tanning of iniquity, an 
hour, in which he must ask, and answer the question. Why was 
life given to me, and how have 1 spent it 1 

It may be thought that more has been said to excite apprehen- 
sion, and to produce discouragement, than the present and proba- 
ble state of the country can justify. To those who think so, there 
are many cheering and welcome objects to encourage them ; and 
none more so than the American Institute of Instruction. Though 
but of recent origin, it has already been an example. It com- 
mands the attention and the respect of the intelligent, the virtuous 
and the learned. All the inducements which arise from love of 



31 

country, from reasonable self-love, and from the best sort of the 
latter, when shown in proper knowledge of the best interests of 
the young, unite to sustain us. We must labor, it is true, but 
such labor is pleasant, honorable, and profitable, though it may 
not be the latter, as to this world's goods. There is encourage- 
ment too, in the increasing moral feeling of society. The respect 
for temperance, which is finding its way among all classes, is a 
remarkable and gratefid circumstance, in the character of the 
times ; and the more so, that it is not the consequence of force, or 
unnatural means, but of reason, and good sense. There is anoth- 
er fact which is full of delightful hope, and even of assurance, in 
the interest which the young men are taking, in the promotion 
of the welfare of society. The last celebration of national inde- 
pendence, in this city, was the least ostentatious, the least devo- 
ted to the senses, and the most devoted to the mind, and heart, of 
any which has occurred. Eleven different societies, composed 
entirely of young men associated for the worthiest purposes, uni- 
ted to do just honor to the birth-day of their nation, and to the va- 
rious objects which they respectively cherish. An Address was 
delivered* before these assembled fraternities, abounding in sen- 
timents worthy of the day, and of any assembly, who desire that 
society shall grow wiser, and better. This is a striking and grateful 
event. It assures us, that we shall not outrun the public senti- 
ment in attempting to mingle, in the ordinary course of instruc- 
tion, any teaching which raises the dignity of man ; and which 
enables the young to carry from schools, into manhood, the prin- 
ciples of action which make good men ; and the knowledge and 
firmness which qualify them to preserve the best instit utions 
which good and wise men have ever established. 

Gentlemen of this Institute : permit me to close this humble 

* The 2i(\dressw7is by Mr Amasa Walker. The Societies were these. 1. The 
Youn^ men's Marine Bible Society. 2. Boston Young men's Society. 3. 
Young men's Society for the promotion of Literature and Science. 4. Franklin 
Debating Society. 5. Boston Laboring young men's Temperance Society- 6. 
Lyceum, Elocution and Debating Society. 7. Mercantile Library Association. 
8. Boston Lyceum. 9. Young men's Temperance Society. 10. Mechanics 
Lyceum. 



tribute to the common cause, by expressing the hope, that the 
freedom and plainness with which I have spoken, will not be at- 
tributed to any unkind or disrespectful motive. It did not seem 
to me to be an occasion on which one shoidd spcrifice to the 
gods, as was the custom with one Grecian orator, that he might 
say only what was flattering to his audience ; but one in which a 
speaker should try to set forth the truth, according to the best 
of his knowledge, and belief. Allow me, at least, the gratifica- 
tion of feeling assured, that in taking the serious responsibility of 
addressing you, I have manifested a heart-felt respect for a 
meritorious order of men, who have devoted their lives to the 
arduous service of forming moral, religious, and political mem- 
bers of society out of the young : a numerous class continually 
renewing, on whom the hope of human happiness depends. Per- 
mit me to offer congratulation, that you live, and labor, in an age, 
when the usefulness of the instructor is fast rising in rank, in the 
opinion of a judicious and generous community. 

The often repeated maxim that a republic must depend on 
virtue and intelligence for its being, begins to be properly valued. 
These qualities, if limited to a fbiv, will do but little towards up- 
holding any republic. We cannot retire from the ground taken, 
that this country can be, and shall be, rationally, civilly and in 
religion, /ree. We cannot retreat from the experiment, in popu- 
lar government, on which all that is valuable in the country, and 
the country itself must stand or fall. The wealthy are beginning 
to realize that if they would preserve and enjoy, they must give 
their percentage to promote virtue and intelligence. Talents and 
learning must make their patriotic contributions. Wealth, talent, and 
learning must study the profitable lesson, that if they would pur- 
chase for themselves the pleasures of respect and esteem, they 
must be diligent in promoting the general welfare, and not content 
themselves with hollow praises which sound over the dead, in 
obituary notices, and funeral sermons. 

May you, Gentlemen, be worthily and honorably sustained, in 
doing your important part, towards making just, and strong minds, 
and pure and amiable hearts throughout a fortunate and happy land. 



NOTE. 



It appears from the August number (1833) of the Annals of Educa- 
tion, (edited by a gentleman whose exertions in the cause of Education 
are indefatigable) that the want of instruction in the United States, is a 
subject of alarming interest. The table published by him, shows, that the 
number of persons in 1830, above fifty years of age, was about one in 
twelve; while the number under twenty, exceeds half the population; 
and that the number under fifteen, exceeds one third. It further shows, 
that the whole number of children, exclusive of those in New England 
and New York, is 1,840,000, of whom only one third receive any school- 
ing. This editor (who may be presumed to speak from knowledge) con- 
siders many schools, even at the north, as ' utterly unfitted to improve 
the mind, or cultivate the heart.' Taking these as facts, and consider- 
ing what is implied in the qualifications of citizens, who are to sustain 
and transmit free popular government, the United States are in im- 
minent danger of losing the fame of having ' the most enlightened 
people on earth.' 

To the number of those who receive no schooling, add those who 
receive some instruction, but none whatever in the duties of citizens, 
and who know nothing of the dignity of free citizenship, what reasonable 
man can expect that our present political institutions can be of long 
duration ? It is historically true, that every people have as good and 
free a government as they are capable of living under. Ignorance and 
superstition make ever the best materials for despotism. The first 
steps towards despotism of the sword, is despotism over the mind. VVe 
are permitting, by neglect of instruction, abundant materials for the first 
kind of despotism. If there be some among the instructed who are 
5 



34 

destitute of moral sense, and who can effect and move such materials 
to their own purposes, what good will it do for the wise and well 
principled to speak to those who have no ears to hear them? 

When such suggestions are made, the common answer is, Providence 
will take care of us. Providence takes care of those who take care ot 
themselves. The motto of divers societies in a transatlantic country is, 
«^xVe ioi, ct Ic Ciel faidera — (Help yourself and providence will help you.) 
This was tlie maxim of our forefathers. They trusted in Providence most 
eincerely and devoutly, in considering, pursuing and accomplishing their 
settlement in this country ; but they did everything, for themselves, that 
men could do. Their successors inculcated and manifested the same 
dependence, but they did all that the strength of body and mind can do 
to gain, protect and preserve ; and their descendants are free. 

At this day Americans are precisely at the moment of peril. The 
memory of colonial dependence is gone. Tiie sentiment of acquired 
freedom is not a daily, constant one. It requires an effort and a course 
of reasoning, to feel it. Liberty is spoken of— but what ideas are 
suggested by this word? More probably the liberty to do just what 
one chooses to do, than the liberty to do what the laws of the country 
and of society permit, which is the only civil liberty that society can 
have. How, then, can we hope to maintain civil liberty if we do 
nothing to teach what civil liberty is? The first step towards such 
teaching is but little attended to, taking the whole of the young popula- 
tion into view. What is the remedy? It is supposed to be this: The 
legislatures of the several states Jiave power to do all that the exigency 
of the country demands. Legislatures do whatsoever they believe con- 
stituents will approve. The first step, therefore, is to awaken j,he general 
attention to the interests of education ; and to make the truth felt, that 
no money, public or private, is so well laid out as that, which goes for 
GENERAL instructioTi. Why general instruction ? Because the most 
wise, eloquent and honest, are powerless in a country that rules by 
universal suffrage, unless they speak to those who can understand. So, 
what avails it, if there be some who are moral, virtuous and exemplary, 
if a majority of citizens are unable to comprehend the value of such 
qualities ? Thus, education is not a concern of a few privilegid persons > 
but of all persons. 



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